The Last Word

George F. Will

NEWSWEEK

Jan. 8 issue

'Peace Psychosis' In The Mideast



Many realists worry that for Jews gathered in Israel, history may have

its worst for last.



Bill Clinton may have saved his very worst for last. With remarkable-even
for him-self-absorption, as he tap-dances toward the exit he is pursuing

his crowning legacy something that only the cynical or delusional could

a "final" Middle East "peace agreement." In three weeks Clinton will be
gone, leaving intensified Middle East chaos for others to cope with.


Israel's Ehud Barak has resigned as prime minister, triggering Feb. 6
elections that polls indicate he will lose in a landslide. For him, the

term is five weeks. Yet by then he hopes to have achieved a "permanent"
solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that is now in its sixth
decade. Yasir Arafat founded the Palestine National Liberation Movement,
committed to Israel's destruction, when Eisenhower was president and
Ben-Gurion was Israel's prime minister. Through 14 Israeli prime

and nine U.S. presidencies, Arafat has remained so committed.

It has come to this: Clinton has asked Barak-who has a negligible
constituency, and who has never asked Israeli voters for a mandate for
anything remotely resembling the dangerous menu of territorial and other
concessions he already has offered Arafat-to dismantle Israel's capital by
ceding to Arafat sovereignty over Arab neighborhoods in East Jerusalem.
Clinton also has asked Barak to surrender to Arafat sovereignty over the
holiest place in Israel's capital, the Temple Mount, location of the

Temple, destroyed in A.D. 70.

RIGHT OF RETURN

Arafat is affronted by the offer because it is conditioned on his

the "right of return." That is the claimed right of up to 4 million

who left Israel during its violent birth pangs in 1948, to return to their
homes. Imagine identifying the possessors of this right, and the possible
permutations of it.

Today about a million Palestinians remain in what are propagandistically
called "refugee camps." In 1945 there were many millions of refugees and
other displaced persons in Europe, many in camps. By 1950 this problem was
essentially solved. Why, 52 years after the failure of the Arab war to

the state of Israel in its infancy, are there still camps populated by the
children, grandchildren, even great-grandchildren of people displaced in
1948? Because Arafat and other Arab leaders use these festering sores to
foment irredentist extremism.

Acknowledging a "right of return" would be, for Israel, demographic

That right is integral to Arafat's aim, the destruction of the Jewish

Insistence on the right is tantamount to root-and-branch rejection of the
supposed goal of the post-Oslo peace process-"two states for two peoples."
That process has been a fiasco because it has assumed that Arafat simply
wants to govern a Middle Eastern Belgium-a small bourgeois nation located

whatever territories he, with American help, can extort from Israel. This
assumption requires those who hold it to constantly deny that Arafat means
what he constantly tells Arabic-speaking audiences-that "with our blood

our martyrs we will redeem Palestine." Last Wednesday, taking time out

deliberations about the Clinton-Barak offer, Arafat expressed optimism

one day seeing "a Palestinian boy or a Palestinian girl raising the flag

Palestine over the walls and churches and minarets of Holy Jerusalem."

is to say, over all of Jerusalem.

Writing in the London Times Literary Supplement, Edward Luttwak of the
Center for Strategic and International Studies says, "It is not a

exaggeration to speak of a peace psychosis, for that is what psychotics

they impose their own imaginings on others, persuading themselves... in

instance, that after a lifetime of struggle, Arafat wanted to end his days
as a compromising negotiator, rather than as a conqueror." As evidence

Arafat still sees himself as a conqueror, Luttwak reports that in 1998 a
Palestinian editor of a newspaper published in East Jerusalem was

by Arafat henchmen, held for a week and beaten. His offense? He printed on
page three rather than page one an article, written by an Arafat flack,
comparing Arafat to the conqueror Saladin, who wrested Jerusalem from the
Crusaders.

IGNORED EVIDENCE

Barak's surreal 18 months of ignoring all such evidence has given Israel

worst governance in its history, as he has emboldened Arafat by making
concession after concession in the hope that the recidivist liar would
recognize Israel's right to exist. Until now Barak seems never to have met

concession he would not consider and soon offer, and evidently he

considered Clinton's latest and most reckless proposals for appeasing
Arafat. But on Friday, in the aftermath of another terrorist bomb attack

Tel Aviv, and in the context of his plunge in the polls, he said Israel
"never" would "transfer sovereignty of the Temple Mount-the anchor of our
identity." At last, a sticking point.

The United States has cast itself as "honest broker" between the only
democracy in the region and those avowing their determination to destroy

And the future of the Palestinian people is prefigured in the corrupt and
violent thugocracy-the Palestinian Authority-that currently misgoverns the
West Bank (per capita GNP, $2,300) and Gaza (per capita GNP, $1,000).

In Washington an Israeli diplomat who shares Barak's thinking stoutly
insists he does not "trust" Arafat. But Arafat is utterly reliable. He can
be trusted never to keep an agreement and always to be candid about his
ultimate objective, possession of all of Palestine-meaning the

of the "Zionist entity." The diplomat serenely-and surreally-says optimism
is integral to Zionism. Actually, Zionism was born of profound pessimism
about the ability of European Jews to achieve fulfillment or even safety
without a national homeland, and the Zionist state was born of history's
severest instruction in pessimism-the Holocaust. Pessimists are realists

worry that, for the portion of world Jewry gathered in Israel, history may
have saved its worst for last.

2001 Newsweek, Inc.





The information contained in this e-mail message may be privileged and

Thank you.

Dear NEWS@... Members,
We are pleased to inform you that Agudath Israel
headquarters is moving to new and larger quarters.
At present the Agudath Israel of America
offices are moving, within the next two weeks, from 84 William Street to
42 Broadway, 14th Floor, New York, NY 10006.
Plans are underway to update our email systems. We will notify you of
these changes in the near future.

As was emailed, this coming Monday evening, January 15-16 Agudath Israel

sponsoring a Yarchei Kallah Group Mission to Israel. A large
attendance is expected with participants from the US, Canada, England,
Belgium and Israel joining in the three-day event.

Below is a copy of a letter that was sent to the President-Elect from Mr.
Chaim Dovid Zweibel. We are sure you will find this to be of interest.

Sincerely,
Rabbi Labish Becker - Associate Executive Director
Rabbi Mordechi Ort - NEWS Email Coordinator
____________________________________________________________
January 3, 2000

Dear President-Elect Bush:

As close as the election was, it wasn't much of a contest in the Jewish
community; polls suggest that an overwhelming majority of American Jews
supported the Gore-Lieberman ticket. This would appear to confirm some
long- and widely-held perceptions about the political proclivities and
policy preferences of Jews in the United States.

Election results and conventional wisdom notwithstanding, American Jewry

not quite the monolith we are often portrayed as being. To be sure, there
is an essential unity that binds all Jews together. And there is a clear
consensus among American Jews on several issues of across-the-board
political concern - most notably the importance of America reaffirming and
strengthening its longstanding special relationship with Israel and the

to promote a domestic climate of tolerance and equal opportunity. Beyond
those essential points, though, the Jewish community in the United States

in a state of ferment and flux, and it is important that our next

be sensitive to that reality.

Much of that ferment and flux emerges from a historical conundrum that

at the heart of the contemporary American Jewish experience. Our parents
and grandparents, for the most part, emigrated to this country in the

and mid-1900's, escaping the ghettos and pogroms and concentration camps

a genocidally hostile Europe. They came, yearning to breathe free and
partake of the American dream. Yet they frequently encountered

rebuffed in their efforts to live in certain neighborhoods, join certain
country clubs, attend certain universities, gain employment with certain
firms.

Thus was established American Jewish Priority Number One: to find ways and
means, through the operation of law and the influence of culture, to break
down all barriers that prevented Jewish assimilation into the great

mainstream. Slowly but surely, those efforts succeeded. Anti-Semitism in
this country has not disappeared entirely, but it has surely faded into

murky shadows. Jews have become accepted in virtually every nook and

of American society - even in the once unimaginable position of running

Vice President of the United States. History's proverbial outsiders have
become America's successful insiders.

The strategy worked. But it worked a bit too well. Jews in this country
have done such a marvelous job of assimilating into the broader culture

they are in danger of fading into demographic oblivion. Intermarriage

have skyrocketed; Jewish ignorance is rampant; Jewish identity has no
relevance to millions of our children.

Many American Jews are beginning to recognize, therefore, that the time

come to acknowledge and develop strategies to achieve a new Priority

One: ensuring Jewish continuity.

Thus, where parents once rushed to enroll their children in
non-denominational public and private schools to ensure that their sons

daughters would mingle with other children, be accepted by other children
and ultimately become largely indistinguishable from other children, now
there is a growing groundswell of parents enrolling their children in

schools, to ensure that their sons and daughters will mingle with other
Jews, learn about their unique culture and history and ultimately take

in their religious identity. Where liberal houses of Jewish worship once
all but abandoned traditional Jewish ritual in favor of an emphasis on
universalistic themes of social justice, now there is a movement to

Torah and mitzvot as the central defining characteristic of Jewish

identity. Where the Orthodox community was once expected to vanish from

American scene as a historical relic confined to the dustbin of old-world
nostalgia, now Orthodoxy is widely seen as the most vital of all the

denominational movements.

The shifting sociological pendulum in the American Jewish community may
prove to have profound implications in the areas of politics and public
policy as well. As Jews come increasingly to acknowledge the importance

Jewish schools, they are starting to become more receptive to governmental
policies designed to promote educational choice. As Jews come

to explore their religious roots, they are starting to modify their

of social liberalism. As Jews come increasingly to recognize the

dark side of the American melting pot and the corrosive effect of a

culture that unites Americans around our nation's lowest common denominato

they are starting to wonder whether free speech is in fact incompatible

responsible regulation.

Senator Lieberman - or at least the pre-campaign edition of Senator
Lieberman - is a good example of the transitional thinking that is taking
place in certain parts of the Jewish community. His support for school
vouchers, his strong stance on issues of personal morality, his criticism

the violence and smut that dominate so much of the entertainment industry,
his open embrace of and appeal for religious values in public life - these
all attest to an emerging trend within American Jewry that is beginning to
make its mark on the national scene.

Tap into that trend, Mr. President-Elect. Seek out Jewish partners as you
invite religious communities to help meet the needs of the needy through
programs of "charitable choice". Enlist Jewish support for policies that
expand parental options in education. Solicit Jewish assistance in your
efforts to elevate the level of American culture and public life.

In short, Mr. President-Elect, look beyond some of the old stereotypes of
who we are and what we think. You may be in for a surprise.

Respectfully,

David Zwiebel
Executive Vice President for Government and Public Affairs
Agudath Israel of America
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WEEKLY-HALACHA FOR 5761



SELECTED HALACHOS RELATING TO PARSHAS SHEMOS

By Rabbi Doniel Neustadt
Rav of Young Israel of Cleveland Heights

A discussion of Halachic topics related to the Parsha of the
week. For final rulings, consult your Rav.

HILCHOS KERIAS HaTORAH

CONSECUTIVE ALIYOS FOR RELATIVES

In order to avoid ayin harah, a "bad omen", the gabbai does not call a
father and a son or two brothers [who share a father] for consecutive
aliyos.(1) Even if the parties involved are not concerned with ayin harah
and wish to be called consecutively, it is not permitted.(2) Moreover,

if the gabbai mistakenly did call the relative for a consecutive aliyah,

one who was called should remain in his seat and not accept the aliyah(3).
If, however, the mistake was realized only after he ascended the bimah,

he is not instructed to descend.(4)

L'chatchillah, even brothers who share only a mother, or even a

and his grandson, should not be called for consecutive aliyos. If,

there is a need to do so, or if - b'diavad - the call to ascend to the

was already made, it is permitted for them to accept the aliyah.(5) All
other relatives may be called consecutively even l'chatchillah.

The consecutive aliyos restriction does not apply:
If the consecutive aliyah is the maftir on a day when a second sefer Torah
is read for maftir. e.g., on Yom Tov or Rosh Chodesh or when the Four
Parshios are read.(6)
If the maftir is read by a minor (one who is not yet bar mitzvah).(7)
When the names of the olim are not used when they are called for an

While most Ashkanezic shuls today do use names when calling the olim, in
some congregations no names are used for the shevii or acharon aliyos.(8)
To hagbahah and gelilah, provided that they are not called by name.(9)
If another person was called for his aliyah between them and that person
happened not to be in shul or was unavailable to receive his aliyah.(10)

DURING KERIAS HaTORAH: SITTING or STANDING?

Although the ba'al koreh and the person receiving the aliyah must stand
while reading from the Torah, the congregation is not required to stand.
Indeed, there are three views in the poskim as to what is preferred:
Some hold that it is preferable to stand while the Torah is being read,
since Kerias ha-Torah is compared to Matan Torah at Har Sinai where

stood.(11)
Others maintain that there is no preference and one is free to sit or

as he wishes.(12)
A third view holds that it is preferable to sit while the Torah is being
read.(13)

The basic halachah follows the middle view that there is no preference and
one can choose his position. There are, however, some people who are
stringent and insist on standing while the Torah is being read.

Most poskim agree with the following:
A weak person who will find it difficult to concentrate should sit.
Between aliyos there is no reason to stand.
For Borchu and its response, everyone should stand,(14) but during the
recital of the birchos ha-Torah themselves there is no obligation to

The practice in most congregations is that everyone stands while the

ha-dibros and Shiras ha-yam are read.(15) As with all customs, one should
not deviate from the custom of the shul where he is davening.

FOOTNOTES:

1 O.C. 141:6.

2 Mishnah Berurah 141:19. Aruch ha-Shulchan 141:8 maintains, however, that
one who is unconcerned with ayin harah may do as he wishes.

3 Be'er Heitev 141:5; Sha'arei Efrayim 1:33.

4 Mishnah Berurah 141:18.

5 Sha'arei Efrayim 1:33.

6 Mishnah Berurah 141:20. Some poskim do not recommend relying on this
leniency when no kaddish is recited between the aliyos, e.g., Chol ha-Moed
Pesach (Sha'arei Efrayim 1:32), while others are not particular about that
(Aruch ha-Shulchan 141:8). On Simchas Torah, however, all poskim are

about this; see Yechaveh Da'as 3:50.

7 Mishnah Berurah 141:20.

8 Mishnah Berurah 141:21.

9 Teshuvos Avnei Chefetz 16.

10 Sha'arei Efrayim 1:30.

11 Rama O.C. 146:4 as explained by Bach and Mishnah Berurah 19.

12 O.C. 146:6.

13 This is the view of the Arizal as understood by many of the latter
authorities, see Chesed le-Alafim 135:14; S'dei Chemed (Beis, 29); Kaf
ha-Chayim 146:20; Da'as Torah 146:4; Shulchan ha-Tahor 146:4. Note that

view has an early source, see Sefer ha-Machkim, pg. 15 and Teshuvos Rama
mi-Pano 91.

14 See, however, Kaf ha-Chayim 146:20-21 and Halichos Shelomo 12, note 30,
that the accepted practice is to remain seated even during Borchu.

15 Igros Moshe O.C. 4:22; Halichos Shelomo 12, note 30. See Yechaveh Da'as
6:8 for a dissenting opinion.

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